Category Archives: W&M Contributors

Impotence in the Archives: or, a Research Trip Failed

By Lisa Smith, W&M Contributor

A year ago I went to Paris on a week-long research trip. My goal was to look at eighteenth-century impotence trials, part of the Série Z at the Archives Nationales. I planned to compare them with English impotence trials that I had already examined.

French historians and archive workers had been occupying part of the building to protest Sarkozy's proposed (rightwing) museum.

There were the standard research problems, of course. The handwriting was unusually terrible. The boxes were unsorted and contained few, if any, impotence trials, which were challenging to find. But the biggest difficulty was entirely unexpected. Série Z closed for maintenance every second day during that week.*  This mystified the counter-staff as much as me. Each time, they were unaware of the closure.

Previously, my research method had been to transcribe notes by hand, then review them afterwards. To the growing number of historians who prefer to take photographs of archival documents, this seems a bit quaint. On this rapidly passing trip with its two fruitless days, I certainly did not have the luxury of time. Instead, I photographed the trial records like mad, writing brief outlines of the cases. Each night I organised the photos and turned them into pdf files, hopeful about the possibilities for my new use of photography. I thought how nice it would be to have images of the documents to hand.

But a year on, I’ve realised a key problem in this system: much of my work in archives is tied to physical memory. Looking back at my notes over the years, I can remember the way in which documents looked or smelled at the time. More importantly, I can remember where to find specific points in my notes. I recall in detail the stories from the English trial records, but the French ones only fleetingly, even though I have since read through the files a couple times. It has become clear to me that I need another French research trip – this time simply to sit in my office transcribing the files stored on my computer – if my knowledge of the trial records is ever to become potent.

How do you internalise your material when doing research?

 

*Admittedly, this allowed me to have leisurely lunches and sightsee, so all was not in vain.

 

Lisa Smith is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Saskatchewan. She writes on gender, family, and health care in England and France (ca. 1600-1800).

Nicholas of Poland: A Medical Snake In The Grass

By Marri Lynn (W&M Contributor)

A maker of theriac - a miracle cure that included plenty of serpents. Hortus Sanitatis, 1491.

Suffering from kidney stones? Just drink some wine with a little powdered snake, twice daily. If you have no time to waste or the stone’s being especially persistent, go ahead and add powdered toad or scorpion — or better still, add both.

If insomnia or weary eyes are troubling you (and who doesn’t suffer these maladies from time to time), have a little water with your pill made of dried frog parts, and don’t forget to keep up your general health with an appetizer of properly-prepared snake at every meal.

Sound like snake oil instead of medicine? This was real medical advice supplied by a German-born Dominican friar called Nicholas of Poland, who posed a challenge to established medical prescriptions in thirteenth-century Europe. His career, or what we know of it, caused professional skepticism. After all, how was one supposed to respond to a so-called healer who didn’t even taste or view his patient’s urine before providing them with a tincture of toad?

Much history written about the thirteenth-century medical landscape which highlights, and takes for granted, a conflict between the ‘scholasticized’ medicine promoted and taught by a university system rapidly monopolizing medical knowledge, and the uneducated practitioners and even the out-and-out charlatans external to this monopoly.

But as historians like William Eamon and Gundolf Keil have pointed out, Nicholas of Poland occupies a particularly interesting space that challenges our ideas of the relationship between these ways of practicing medicine — a point at the centre of an infrequently-imagined Venn diagram — where an iconoclastic approach to medicine and a university education could fruitfully mingle.

The result proved to be as compelling to medieval health-seekers as it is interesting to us. It was Nicholas’ philosophy that humble medicines and amulets made from the lowliest creatures of the earth were good for people of all social stations; the scaly creatures of the ground, used in ‘miracle cures’ like theriac, were in Nicholas’ view, simply packed with God-infused preternatural healing powers that did not need to be understood scientifically to be used.

This philosophy that “great miracles abide in the lowliest things” appealed to Christian ethics, and Nicholas’ excellent Latin enabled him to not only defend his position against university-educated physicians (who may have been chagrined at the way his backyard cures undercut their costlier prescriptions while they balked at the deeper intellectual implications of his radical empiricism), but to even go on the offensive against orthodoxy with logic and style.

Nicholas devoted an entire work, the Antipocras (Anti-Hippocrates), to criticize and critique the burgeoning medical philosophy of his day. His other known work, the Experimenta, shared the results of his original experiments into the most medicinally potent preparations of serpent powders and oils, and how to administer them.

Nicholas emphasized that one should collect healing knowledge through firsthand experience, not ancient authority or theory; his quasi-mystical prescriptions were not only theologically-inspired, but also practically supported. This firsthand knowledge would be critical in giving him the grounds to challenge his the visceral and cultural aversion his patients (understandably) had to eating toads, scorpions, and snakes in particular.

The very unpleasantness of Nicholas’ cures ultimately became a testament to their power. After all, if eating reptiles and amphibians was so revolting, the idea would be tossed onto the rubbish heap if the ideological underpinnings didn’t strike a chord, or the medical results didn’t appear to make it worthwhile. In this way, word of mouth created converts not only of other Dominicans, but lofty folk such as the duke of Sieradz and the court and subjects of Leszek the Black, and the villagers in Upper Silesia and Cracow where Nicholas put his empiric philosophy of medicine into practice.

Unfortunately, Nicholas’ ultimate fate is murky in the historical record, leaving us bereft of sturdy ground on which to build an understanding of the full significance and endurance of his practice. What exists is, for the moment, merely a glimpse of a unique, albeit isolated branch of medieval medical philosophy that’s as repellant to the senses as it is intellectually tantalizing.

Marri Lynn holds an MA in the History of Medicine at McGill University, Montreal (2011). She currently studies French, and writes (and copy edits) for the McGill Tribune as well as freelance projects. You can find out more at her About.me page.

Emotional truth

By Tracy Barrett, W & M Contributor

One factor that draws many people to historical fiction—and Civil War reenactments, the Society for Medieval Anachronism, Renaissance Faires, etc.—is curiosity about how it felt to live at a different time. I share this curiosity; I love to be so immersed in a former time that I’m startled to look up from a book’s pages and find myself in the twenty-first century. I first experienced this when reading Lucile Morrison’s The Lost Queen of Egypt, and then with Sigrid Undset’s Kristin Lavransdatter and Robert Graves’ I, Claudius.

Part of my fascination is the evocation of the time—the houses the characters lived in, the food they ate, the clothes they wore, the games they played. But what really draws me in is the feeling that I’m sharing the characters’ emotions.

Avoiding anachronism in emotion is one of an author’s most difficult feats. How, we wonder, could parents of the past have survived the death of one-third of their children? How could a teenager have accepted without question that she was to marry a man many years her senior, who had been chosen for her by someone else? If the character is horrified, we’re not being true to the time. But if we present a child’s death or an arranged marriage to an unpleasant old man matter-of-factly, we risk jarring the reader at our character’s perceived callousness.

I try to come up with a situation analogous to one today and have my characters react appropriately for that. For example, until modern medicine improved infant mortality rates, parents might react to the death of a child the way most Western people would react to the death of a pet: you’d be sad, you’d probably cry, you’d tell your friends, you’d never forget that pet, you might keep its collar in a special place—but you would move on, in a way that the parent of a dead child could rarely manage to do today.

I think of an arranged marriage as being similar to having parents choose a teenager’s high school. The teen might have some say, and if she really, really hated the idea of a particular school and another one was available, the parents might yield to her wishes. But they might not, and that wouldn’t be child abuse.

Here’s how I handled my main character’s reaction in my work in progress to hearing that an acquaintance had lost her husband and children to an illness several years earlier. She thinks: “Not unusual, but sad nonetheless. No wonder the woman had an air of bitterness about her.” I hope that reminds my reader that this kind of loss was common, while preserving my narrator’s humanity.

Cowboys and Indians: North African Style

By Pamela Toler, W & M Contributor

Unlikely though it seems, I’ve spent a lot of time thinking about the French Foreign Legion over the last week.

I bet most of you have a few stock images of the Foreign Legion in your heads: men fleeing from their past into the desert and anonymity, absinthe, burning sands and blazing sun, those funny little billed caps with the flap down the back. (Extra points for anyone who knows what those caps are called.)

For most of us, those images come from trashy novels and B-movies that are kissing cousins to the American western at its least thoughtful. Both genres are heavy on the last minute arrival of the cavalry*, noble (or savage) armed horsemen as opponents, last chance saloons, and strong, silent heroes. Not to mention burning sands and blazing sun (see above).

And just like in the American western, the dangerous armed horseman on the ridge has his own version of the story.

Abd al-Qadir by Rudolf Ernst

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

If the French hadn’t invaded Algeria in 1830**, Algerian emir Abd al-Qadir would probably have been content to follow his grandfather and father as the spiritual leader of the Qadiriyah Sufi order. In the fall of 1832, when the French began to expand their control into the Algerian interior, the Arab tribes of Oran elected al-Qadir as both the head of the Qadiriyah order and as their military leader.

Al-Qadir led Arab resistance against French expansion in North Africa from 1832 to 1847. He was so successful that at one point two-thirds of Algeria recognized him as its ruler. The French signed treaties with al-Qadir and broke them. (Similarities to the American western, anyone?) After a crushing defeat in 1843, he was hunted across North Africa as an outlaw.

Abd al-Qadir surrendered at the end of 1847 and was imprisoned in France until 1853. Following his release, he settled in Damascus, where he entered the stage of world history one last time. In 1860, the Muslims of Damascus rose and began slaughtering the city’s Christians. When the Turkish authorities did nothing to stop the massacre, Abd al-Qadir and 300 followers rescued over 12,0000 Christians from the massacre. Once hunted by the French as a dangerous outlaw, Abd al-Qadir received the Legion of Honor from Napoleon III for his efforts.

Heroism is in the eye of the beholder.

*In fact, the Foreign Legion was an infantry unit. Just saying.

** Over what the French press called the Incident of the Flyswatter. I couldn’t make this stuff up.

This post previously appeared in History on the Margins.

About the author: Pamela Toler is a freelance writer with a PhD in history and a large bump of curiosity. She is particularly interested in the times and places where two cultures meet and change. 

The Leper’s Legendary Decay

Image Credit: Peter Richards, The Medieval Leper (2000)

Zombies are now a horror staple that spans mediums, and justly so. Zombies combine our intellectual fear of social decay and loss of self with our instinctual horror at the notion of a disease that rots flesh and threatens to consume anyone who dares go near those suffering from it. As contamination spreads, the disease threatens to overwhelm the medical systems which attempt to stand in its way, taxing and eventually exhausting human resources, medicine, and scientific knowledge.

Deep at the heart of what makes zombies send chills up our spines is the knowledge that such a disease is not, in fact, so farfetched.

Indeed, at a not-so-distant point in our past, a disease with striking physiological and narrative parallels to popular zombie myths did exist, and at times its population of sufferers seemed as vast as an apocalyptic zombie horde.

Consider leprosy. In the middle ages, the textual depictions of leprosy acquired depth, providing textured, gut-twisting descriptions in medical texts. The sordid details weren’t for entertainment; they were descriptive diagnostic tools intended to give physicians help in identifying, categorizing, and recommending appropriate palliative care for lepers, who were, once diagnosed, condemned to endure their incurable condition and a new position in society as one of the ‘dead.’

Avicenna described leprosy as cancer of the whole body. The leprosy we know today is caused by the bacteria Mycobacterium leprae and Mycobacterium lepromatosis. It is often called Hansen’s disease, after physician Gerhard Armauer Hansen, who identified M. leprae in 1873.

But the medieval doctor relied only on visible symptoms, and in the case of leprosy, these were highly variable and often masqueraded as other diseases. Addressing this difficulty, Gilbert the Englishman, alive during the late 12th and early 13th centuries, included the diagnostic symptoms of leprosy in his Compendium of Medicine. In his pursuit of detail, we find unintentionally chilling prose that wouldn’t be out of place in something Lovecraftian.

The skin would become “lucid…stretched into a similitude to very thin, polished leather.” The joints would become distorted, a symptom “preceded by a tickling sensation, as if some living thing were fluttering about within the body, the thorax, the arms, or the lips.” Blood drawn from the leper would prove to be thick, fetid, and full of granules. The whites of a leper’s eyes would become lined in red, as the eyeballs themselves appeared to protrude from their sockets.

In the 14th century, Jordanus de Turre corroborated these clinical realities. The leper’s fingertips would lose sensation. The little finger was the first to go, but the numbness would spread to every extremity. White corpuscles would cover the tongue, and the scalp would become lumpy. The cartilage of the nose would be slowly eaten away from the inside, causing it to sink into the face, and the sufferer’s hair on both the body and head would fall out. If it grew back at all, it would be in the form of small, straight hairs barely visible in sunlight, “like pigs’ bristles.”

Although their accounts were graphic in the service of medicine, it was not medieval authors who built a zombie legend out of the disquieting medical realities of the leper’s existence. Many people, like physicians, creatives, and missionaries, had something to gain (or certainly nothing to lose) by playing up the severity of leprosy on an individual and societal level. “With a drop of blood from this little finger,” says a leprous little girl in Henri Bataille’s late 19th-century play, La lépreuse, “I can kill a hundred, I can kill a thousand.” The disease itself could not spread that fast in the flesh, but it certainly did in the 19th-century imagination.

It has fallen to historians to dig out the truth and resurrect the historical medical realities of the leper, and Carole Rawcliffe has contributed a big shovel — Leprosy in Medieval England (2006). Her account, like others, suggests that it is difficult to substantiate a medieval paranoia or horror of lepers, or the ways it may have manifested, such as in legal evictions of lepers from cities, or restrictions of their movement within those cities. In the middle ages, the typical lazar house may have been more of a monastery or hospice than an isolated stronghold.

With zombies stepping in this century as our fictionalized symbols of epidemic disaster, the complex and intriguing social and medical history of the leper – more Shaun of the Dead than Dawn of the Dead – can be slowly but surely decoded and viewed through a lens wiped clean of the fog of popular fiction. Good news for the nearly 200,000 sufferers of leprosy that exist today.

Marri Lynn holds an MA in the History of Medicine at McGill University, Montreal (2011). She is currently studying French, while freelancing as a writer and copy editor. You can find out more at her About.me page.

If you only read one book on Islamic history…

By Pamela Toler, W & M Contributor

I’ve been studying Islamic history for a long time now.  (Stops to count on her fingers. Thirty years??  Really??  Counts again. Dang. )

Last year I discovered the best general book on Islamic history I’ve ever read:  Destiny Disrupted: A History of the World Through Islamic Eyes by Tanim Ansary.  I underlined as I read.  I annotated.  I put little Post-It tabs at critical points, the durable ones so I could go back to key arguments in the future.  In short, I had a conversation with that book.

An Afghani-American who grew up in Afghanistan reading English-language history for fun, Ansary argues that Islamic history is not a sub-set of a shared world history but an alternate world history that runs parallel to world history as taught in the West.  In Ansary’s account, the two visions of world history begin in the same place: the cradle of civilization nestled between the Tigris and the Euphrates.  They end up at the same place: a world in which the West and the Islamic world are major and often opposing players.  But the paths they take to the modern world, or more accurately the narratives that explain how “we” got to the modern world, are very different.  Ansary’s book unfolds those two narratives side by side in clear, lively, and often amusing prose.  I found his conclusions compelling.

If you’re only going to read one book on Islamic history, do yourself a favor:  chose Destiny Disrupted. Then let me know what you think about it.

About the author: Pamela Toler is a freelance writer with a PhD in history and a large bump of curiosity. She is particularly interested in the times and places where two cultures meet and change. 

This post previously appeared in History in the Margins.

Contributor Q & A: Pamela Toler

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Q:  Tell us a little bit about yourself.  You’ve lived life both inside and outside academe, as a Ph.D. who now writes freelance.  What has the Ph.D. allowed you to do, when it comes to writing, that you wouldn’t have been able to do otherwise?

The first thing my graduate school advisor said to me was, “You know there are no jobs, right?”

In some ways it’s very freeing to know in your gut that there isn’t a job at the end of the process.   I took the twenty-year plan for getting my degree, in part because I didn’t hesitate to wander down any fascinating by-ways that presented themselves because-hey, no jobs.

Ironically, that dead-end, do-it-because-you-love-it PhD got me my first freelance assignment, and has been opening doors for me ever since.

Q:  How did you first become interested in early Arabic science and culture?  What has been the most exciting part your research?  And the greatest struggles?

The short answer is I found my way to Islamic history via the British Empire.  British imperialism leads you inevitably to India, which leads you to Islam, which in my case led me over the Himalayas to the larger Islamic world.  I spend a lot of time in eighth century Baghdad and medieval Spain these days

The most exciting part of research for me is finding the point where two cultures connect and change each other.   My greatest struggle is flinging myself against the barricades of our collective ignorance about the non-Western world. Quite frankly, Americans as a group aren’t very good about learning the history of other countries except at the points where it intersects with our own.

Q:  What writers have shaped the way you understand your own work–both in regard to approach and content, as well as how one goes about shaping a narrative in historical writing?

I want to be Barbara Tuchman when I grow up.

Q:  Do you read for pleasure?  Do you have time to read for pleasure?  And what do you love to read?

Do I have time to read for pleasure?  No, but I do it anyway.  Over meals.  In the line at the grocery store.  On the bus.  To cool down my brain at the end of a long day.  If I don’t make time to read, I get cranky.

My tastes are broad. I’m too much of a wimp for horror, but pretty much everything else goes. I’m currently reading a literary mystery, a graphic novel, a fat biography, three historical studies dealing with three different periods, a romance (you heard me), two “mainstream” novels, a fantasy, and a Russian classic.

Q:  Now the predictable question:  If you could catapult yourself into the past for just one day, where would you go?  Who would you want to see?  And why?

November 2, 1920, the first national election in the United States in which women were allowed to vote. Can you imagine how thrilling it would have been like to vote in that election?

 

 

 

 

The Uses of Snake Venom in Antiquity

By Adrienne Mayor  (Wonders & Marvels contributor)

Despite the perils of handling deadly snakes, arrows steeped in snake venom were the most popular—and the most feared—biological weapons in the ancient world. The deep antiquity of the concept of envenomed projectiles is revealed in Greek mythology, when Heracles dipped his arrows in venom leaking from the dead Hydra Monster. Snake-venom arrows were reported in many historical battles in antiquity. In 326 BC, for example, Alexander the Great encountered lethal arrows in India—the symptoms of his dying soldiers identify the poison as Russell’s viper venom. By the fifth century BC, Scythian archers concocted such a nasty arrow poison that their much publicized recipe still has the power to horrify today. They mixed the venom of steppe vipers with blood and dung and left the ghastly glop to putrefy underground. They even painted their arrow shafts to mimic the markings of poisonous serpents.

Snake-handling shamans of the Agari and other Scythian tribes of the Black Sea and Caucasus went far beyond simply weaponizing venom. According to ancient Greek historians, they also possessed the secret of milking snake venom to make antidotes and medicines.

Mysterious Agari doctors were recruited by Mithradates of Pontus, whose Black Sea empire challenged Roman power in the first century BC. As the world’s first experimental toxicologist, Mithradates and his international team of investigators sought a universal antidote to neutralize all poisons, by ingesting a cocktail of tiny doses of toxins and antidotes. His regimen calls to mind the principles of immunization.

An astonishing medical milestone, carried out by Mithradates’ Scythian doctors, was reported by Appian, a Greek historian of the Mithradatic Wars. Their secret knowledge of venom’s beneficial powers saved Mithradates’ life on the battlefield and anticipated modern scientific discoveries by more than 2,000 years.

In 67 BC, Mithradates suffered a grievous sword slash to the thigh. Bleeding profusely, he hovered near death, but the Agari staunched his wound with serpent venom. Mithradates recovered and led his army to victory. This is the first documented account of using the coagulating effects of miniscule amounts of steppe viper venom to stop severe hemorrhage, an exciting discovery made only recently by scientists in the new field of “venomics.” The ancient Scythian healers would not be surprised to learn that crystallized venom of steppe vipers (Vipera ursinii) from their homeland is now a major export to emergency rooms around the world.

Adrienne Mayor is a Research Scholar in Classics and History of Science, Stanford University. She is the author of “Greek Fire, Poison Arrows & Scorpion Bombs: Biological and Chemical Warfare in the Ancient World” (2009) and “The Poison King: The Life and Legend of Mithradates, Rome’s Deadliest Enemy,” a nonfiction finalist for the 2009 National Book Award.

 

 

 

Bloody Powerful Stuff

By Marri Lynn (W&M Contributor)

If pad commercials were made in the middle ages, there would be no women in linen dresses running in slow motion across beaches.

The next closest thing to these commercials — medieval pseudomedical treatises — presented a very different idea of what women should expect during their time of the month. These books, like the Trotula and others, certainly reveal the expectations of men, who more frequently wrote, possessed, and read these works.

Because of a woman’s humoural qualities, being both wetter and colder than men, she suffered from being unable to fully digest her food. Thus, Nature in her genius, devised menstruation in order that women should be able to excrete the remaining impure, potentially putrefacient matter.

But once this ‘undigested food’ left the female body and emerged into the world, it could be bloody dangerous. By texts alone, menstruation appears to have been a time of danger not only to the woman herself, but the social and natural world around her.

The French version of a text called the Secreta mulierum (“Secrets of Women,” probably composed in the 13th century by Dominican theological Albertus Magnus), paints a particularly gruesome portrait of menstrual blood’s noxious potential. It could generate within itself “vile, horrible, poisonous creatures,” and drive dogs rabid, discolor mirrors, and destroy trees. It could poison a woman from within, whether by menstrual retention – a disease with potentially fatal effects – or by bestowing upon her the ability to inflict harm on children by a mere glance, like a kind of puerperal Medusa.

Yet menstrual blood was not simply poison; it was also necessary for conception. It was called the “flower” of a woman, because in order to be able to bear fruit, women must first flower, like trees. (A poetic metaphor only made possible by the grace that her blood had not been employed to destroy said trees, one imagines.)

Menstrual blood was ascribed the power to become the food for a new life within the womb once conception had occurred, and, once the baby was born, that menstrual blood would be transformed and purified into mother’s milk. Many materia medica in medieval herbals and compilation texts, like mugwort and agnus castus in the De proprietatibus rerum of Bartholomaeus Anglicus, seem to have been included specifically because of their potency in producing or regulating menses. If menstruation could destroy, but also nourish, it paid to be able to reign in such a force.

Whether menstrual blood itself or the menstruation process more broadly was presented as a generative or a corruptive force depended much on social, geographical, and temporal context, and medieval and feminist historians are still teasing out these links and relationships. What already seems clear, though, is that even if a woman (or those around her) may not be able to have the white-linen “happy period,” medical and philosophical literature at least suggested she would have a metaphysically and physiologically significant one.

Marri Lynn holds an MA in the History of Medicine at McGill University, Montreal (2011). She currently studies French, and writes (and copy edits) for the McGill Tribune as well as freelance projects. You can find out more at her About.me page.

Al-Khwarizmi Does the Math

By Pamela Toler, W & M Contributor

Soviet stamp honoring al-Khwarizmi

Quick:  multiply DVII by XVIII.  Before you could work the problem you translated it into Arabic numbers didn’t you?

The person you can thank, or blame, for your ability to multiply and divide is the mathematician and astronomer Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi (ca. 783-847), whose name lives on in a mangled form as “algorithm.  (Honest.  Take a moment to sound it out.)

We know very little about al-Kwarizmi’s life.  His name suggests he was born in the region of Khwarazm in what is now Uzbekistan.  There are suggestions that he was a Zoroastrian, who may have converted to Islam.

We know a lot about al-Kwarizmi’s work as a scholar in al-Mansur’s court in Baghdad.  He introduced what were then called “Hindu numerals” to the Muslim world.  He produced an important astronomical chart (zij) that made it possible to calculate the positions of the sun, the moon and the major planets and to tell time based on stellar and solar observations.

Al-Kwarizmi’s most important contribution to science was a ground-breaking mathematical treatise: al-Kitab al-Mukhtasar fi Hisab al-Jebr wal-Muqabala. The title translates to The Compendium on Calculation by Restoration and Balancing, but the book is most often referred to as al-jebr, or algebra.  His treatise was a combination of mathematical theory and practical examples related to inheritances, property division, land measurements, and canal digging.  He was the inventor both of quadratic equations and the dreaded word problem.    (Some of his word problems became classics, which meant they were still giving schoolboys grief several centuries later.)

So, the next time you need to calculate how long it will take for two cars to meet in Dubuque if one car leaves Minneapolis going 60 miles an hour and the other leaves Peoria traveling 75 miles an hour?  Thank al-Khwarizmi.

About the author: Pamela Toler is a freelance writer with a PhD in history and a large bump of curiosity. She is particularly interested in the times and places where two cultures meet and change.