Category Archives: W&M Contributors

Dissecting the Living: Vivisection in Early Modern England

A physiological demonstration with vivisection of a dog. Oil painting by Emile-Edouard Mouchy, 1832. From the Wellcome Library, London.

In 1664, Robert Hooke—a pioneering member of the Royal Society and lead scientific thinker of his day—decided to investigate the mechanisms involved in breathing. In his laboratory, he strapped a stray dog to his table. Then, taking his scalpel, he proceeded to slice the terrified animal’s chest off so he could peer inside the thoracic cavity.

What Hooke hadn’t realised before he began his experiment was that lungs were not muscles, and that by removing the animal’s chest, he had removed the dog’s ability to breathe on its own.  To keep the animal alive, Hooke pushed a hollow cane down the dog’s throat and into its windpipe. He then pumped air into the animal’s lungs with a bellow for over an hour, carefully studying the way in which the organs expanded and contracted with each artificial breath. All-the-while, the dog stared at him in horror, unable to whimper or cry out in agony.

On 10 November 1664, Hooke wrote to Robert Boyle about his experiment. In his letter, he described how he ‘opened the thorax, and cut off all the ribs’ of the dog, and ‘handled…all the other parts of its body, as I pleased’. But despite these rather horrific details, we see through Hooke’s words a man deeply moved by the suffering he had caused, for he ends, ‘I shall hardly be induced to make any further trials of this kind, because of the torture of this creature’. [1]

The term ‘vivisection’, which refers to the act of dissecting a live animal or human being, was coined in 1709. Yet, it celebrated a long tradition reaching back thousands of years. One of the earliest recorded accounts dates from 500 B.C., when Alcmaeon of Croton severed the optic nerves of live animals in order to understand how it affected their vision. Indeed, William Harvey’s discovery of the circulation of blood around the heart in 1628 was made possible by his use of vivisection; and it is likely that it was Harvey’s work which prompted Hooke to conduct his own experiments several decades later.

Hooke may have abstained from further vivisections after seeing the anguish he caused in the dog, but others were not necessarily willing to abandon these types of experiments simply because animals suffered as a result. [2]

In particular, surgeons-in-training found vivisection a helpful tool for learning how to operate quickly and confidently. In a pre-anesthetic era, the slightest hesitation could cause a patient to die from shock and blood loss. Working on the bodies of live animals allowed the inexperienced surgeon to operate at his own pace, learning from his mistakes as he went without the fear of accidentally killing another human being. In early modern England, where bear-baiting and cock-fighting were national pastimes like football or rugby are today, it was perfectly acceptable to allow for such extreme suffering in animals under these conditions.

That is not to say, however, that there were no objections to vivisection during this period. Most protests, though, were not centered on animal cruelty, but rather the argument that animals and humans differed too much anatomically for vivisection to be useful.  Still, there were those who spoke up in defense of animals.

In 1718, the poet Alexander Pope—a renowned dog lover—condemned the experiments of his neighbour, Reverend Stephen Hales, who often cut open the abdomens of stray dogs while investigating the rise and fall of blood pressure. While conversing with his friend, Joseph Spence, Pope reportedly said of Hale: ‘He commits most of these barbarities with the thought of its being of use to man. But how do we know that we have a right to kill creatures that we are so little above as dogs, for our curiosity, or even for some use to us?’  [3]

Similarly, Samuel Johnson—essayist and author of A Dictionary of the English Language—spoke out against vivisection in the Idler (August, 1758). He condemned the ‘race of wretches, whose lives are only carried by varieties of cruelty’ and whose ‘favourite amusement is to nail dogs to tables and open them alive’.

The image of a live dog being nailed to a table may seem an exaggeration on the part of Johnson to elicit feelings of disgust and horror. Sadly, this is not the case, as evidenced by the testimony of Mr Richard Martin, who moved to bring a bill for the repression of bear-baiting and other forms of cruelty to animals, to the Irish House of Commons in 1825:

There was a Frenchman by the name of Magendie… [who] at one of his anatomical theatres, exhibited a series of experiments so atrocious as almost to shock belief.  This M. Magendie got a lady’s greyhound…nailed its front, and then its hind paws with the bluntest spikes that he could find, giving as reason that the poor beast, in its agony, might tear away from the spikes if they were at all sharp or cutting.  He then doubled up its long ears, and nailed them down with similar spikes…He then made a gash down the middle of the face, and proceeded to dissect all the nerves on one side of it…. After he had finished these operations, this surgical butcher then turned to the spectators, and said: `I have now finished my operations on one side of this dog’s head, and I shall reserve the other side till to-morrow.  If the servant takes care of him for the night, I am of the opinion that I shall be able to continue my operations upon him to-morrow with as much satisfaction to us all as I have done to-day; but if not, ALTHOUGH HE MAY HAVE LOST THE VIVACITY HE HAS SHOWN TO-DAY, I shall have the opportunity of cutting him up alive, and showing you the motion of the heart. [4]

Stories, such as these, are very disturbing, and illustrate that some medical men took pleasure in such sadistic practices. Nonetheless, as illustrated in Hooke’s letter to Boyle, it would be wrong to assume that all those who performed vivisections during this period were calculating and heartless.

Most importantly, however, we must remember that many ground-breaking discoveries were made as a result of vivisections, and it is to these animals we owe a huge debt for advancements made in medical science during the early modern period.

*This article originally appeared on The Chirurgeon’s Apprentice

About the author: Lindsey Fitzharris received her PhD in the History of Science, Medicine and Technology from the University of Oxford in 2009. She is currently a Wellcome Trust Research Fellow at Queen Mary, University of London. Her project focuses on aspects of 17th-century surgery. Read more gory stories on her website: http://thechirurgeonsapprentice.com

1. Letter from Robert Hooke to Robert Boyle (10 Nov 1664). In M. Hunter, A. Clericuzio and L. M. Principe (eds.), The Correspondence of Robert Boyle (2001), vol. 2, p. 399.

3. Hooke did not perform any further vivisections per se; however, he did continue to use animals in his experiments.

3. Cf. Joseph Spence, Observations, anecdotes, and characters of books and men collected from conversation, ed. James M. Osborn (Oxford, 1966), vol. 1, p. 118.

4. Qtd from Albert Leffingwell, An Ethical Problem, or, Sidelights upon Scientific Experimentation on Man and Animals (London, 1916).

The Art of the Book

By Pamela Toler

Image courtesy of the Walters Art Museum

The Islamic world created illuminated manuscripts that rivaled anything that came out of a medieval monastery: Qu’rans, historical chronicles, stories of the prophets, the deeds of kings, lyric poetry, heroic epics, philosophy, scientific treatises, and romantic tales.

Caliphs, courtiers, and wealthy merchants commissioned manuscripts from the ninth century until well into the seventeenth century, when the Islamic world reluctantly accepted the value of Mr. Gutenberg’s printing press. Each manuscript was an expensive and unique production that required the talents of many artists: craftsman who ruled the pages, calligraphers, painters, illuminators, bookbinders and chest makers.

Each page was designed with a ruled frame that determined the number of lines of text on the page and the size and location of paintings, chapter headings, texts and borders. The modern viewer focuses on the miniatures, wonderfully detailed paintings often no larger than a sheet of notebook paper. For the original audience, the paintings are second to the quality of the calligraphy. As sixteenth Iranian author Qadi Ahmad put it, “If someone, whether he can read or not, sees good writing, he likes to enjoy the sight of it.” Calligraphers were not anonymous copyists, but revered artists who learned at the hand of a master.

Unlike books in English, where there are many fonts but only one script, Islamic calligraphers had many scripts to chose from, each with a different graphic and emotional quality. They could be slanted or rounded, upright or “hanging”, angular or cursive. Some were designed to be easily read, others to be decorative. Qu’rans were often written in one of the angular kufic scripts. One script was described as the “bride of calligraphic styles” and was generally used for lyric poetry and romantic tales.

You’ve got to wonder what the producers of these works would think about the modern paperback.

About the author: Pamela Toler is a freelance writer with a PhD in history and a large bump of curiosity. She is particularly interested in the times and places where two cultures meet and change.

Why we love to read novels about queens: Part I

Sandra Gulland

by Stephanie Cowell

Do readers never tire of reading about queens? What is the great fascination?

I decided to ask some novelists, readers, bloggers, and experts.

I met Sarah Johnson, the author of Historical Fiction II: A Guide to the Genre and compiler of the blog Reading the Past (http://www.readingthepast.com), at the semi-annual Historical Novel Society U.S. conference. She told me, “It’s safe to say that the fascination for such novels has been ongoing for some time. Dumas was writing novels about Marguerite de Valois and Marie Antoinette in the 1840s and ’50s, for instance, and he wasn’t the first. The trend comes and goes, and now it’s firmly on the upswing with novelists such as Jean Plaidy, Norah Lofts, Margaret George, and Philippa Gregory and many gifted others.” (Sarah believes perhaps a few dozen such novels were published in 2011.)

But why do we want to read about queens? Sandra Gulland, author of the magical trilogy about Josephine Bonaparte (the empress) and Mistress of the Sun (mistress of Louis XIV), answered, “I think we simply are hungry for stories of women in a position of power, because it’s so rare. Some handle it gracefully (i.e. Josephine Bonaparte), and others wilt in the harsh glare of such light (Louise de la Vallière).” Sarah Johnson replied, “The majority of novels about queens take place in eras (12th through 18th centuries) when women had little say in the major decisions affecting their lives, but most queens, whether they were rulers themselves or consorts, had a wide sphere of influence. Plus, these women were served the finest cuisine, wore the most expensive gowns, had the most talented artists and musicians around them… and readers love descriptions of court life. (This is assuming the queens didn’t end up in the Tower or its international equivalent!”)

Novelist C.W. (Christopher) Gortner told me, “I think we are fascinated both by the queens’ celebrity appeal as well as their fragility. Their lives, while outwardly glamorous, were full of trials and tribulations, tragedies and triumphs: we know that they struggled to survive. Their fragility and courage exert a powerful effect on our imaginations. The issues they faced were monumental.”

He added, “I first became enamoured of historical fiction in my pre-adolescent years, when my mother gave me a copy of Immortal Queen, a novel about Mary of Scots, for my birthday. We lived in southern Spain; a ruined castle that had once belonged to Isabella of Castile sat near the beach by our flat and I used to clamber about its crumpled battlements all the time. I was surrounded by history. It made me an addict for life.” Christopher’s new novel, The Queen’s Vow, which follows young Isabella of Castile in her dramatic rise to power, will be available on June 12, 2012. He is also continuing his Tudor mystery series.

Finally, I simply had to this burning question: Can anything else possibly be said about Anne Boleyn?

“I’ll say yes,” replied Sarah Johnson, “because I know we haven’t seen the last of Anne in historical fiction! I’m anxious to read Hilary Mantel’s take on her downfall, for example. Every author brings a new angle on her life to the table, or at least tries to.” And Christopher Gortner added, “Anne Boleyn went for the crown and she got it. And it destroyed her. But she did it anyway. She’s tough to beat, in terms of sheer drama and pathos. “

Christopher concluded, “I often say that in the hands of a skilled novelist, these women can shed their marblized images and reclaim their humanity, in all their glory and foibles. Historical fiction about queens shouldn’t really be just about queens; it’s about us, too, about how we live and make choices and confront challenges. These women represent us – with more lavish clothes!”

Come back for the second part of this article featuring book bloggers and more novelists.

Ah to live like a queen! If not then, to read about them!

Historical novelist Stephanie Cowell is the author of Nicholas Cooke, The Physician of London, The Players: a novel of the young Shakespeare, Marrying Mozart and Claude & Camille: a novel of Monet. She is the recipient of the American Book Award. Her work has been translated into nine languages. Her website is http://www.stephaniecowell.com.

John Arderne, Butt Of No Jokes

By Marri Lynn (W&M Regular Contributor)

You don't want to know where these are going to go. - Sp Coll MS Hunter 251 (U.4.9), 15th century.

 

When one thinks of the gruesome injuries that could befall a knight in service, one usually thinks of crushed skulls, arrows through the ribs, and unfortunate liaisons between necks and the pointy ends of spears.

John Arderne, a fourteenth-century English surgeon, acquired plenty of experience dealing with these textbook wounds during his service in the Hundred Years War. But he also acquired a particular expertise in treating another knightly occupational hazard which was as uncomfortable for one’s pride as it was for one’s backside. If the infection down south went south metaphorically, the condition could also prove fatal.

John was the first practitioner specializing in the treatment of fistula in ano, which is, unfortunately, precisely what you’d imagine. John’s skills provided many patients from all walks of life, not just knights, with long-term relief. Like modern blue-collar workers stuck behind desks all day while habitually consuming high-fat, low-fiber diets, medieval business folk, scholars, and priests suffered too, and comprised a great portion of John’s patient list. Through prolific operations, many of which were pro bono, John earned himself a reputation in addition to a considerable salary, one gained chiefly through the bills he presented the wealthier patients who paid more dearly on John’s sliding scale.

In modern parlance, fistula in ano is an ischio-rectal abscess in the anal glands, produced by a handful of factors compounded by long hours in a saddle or a chair. It can lead to perforation of the connective tissue between the anal canal and the body’s exterior. When this happens, a passageway is formed which opens up through the perianal skin, suppurating and inviting infection. The social and medical complications caused by a fistula’s tunnel-like annexation of the human sewer system are fairly apparent, but despite this, the condition was under-treated in John’s time.

Surgeons since at least Albucasis in the eleventh century were equipped with the necessary medical and surgical theory required to treat fistulae, but they were understandably loathe to handle the long line of unfortunates seeking relief. The job was frankly inglorious, messy, and it was usually futile as well. Despite the best professionally-advised caustic ointments and prayers in addition to the use of the blade, fistulae and attendant infections had a tendency to return with a vengeance after being improperly excised. In the context of a battle for professional legitimacy, fourteenth-century English surgeons facing little promise of adequate remuneration from their clientele alongside further risk of losing good standing in the community for appearing incompetent typically chose to avoid these cases whenever possible.

John Arderne’s unusual success in treating fistulae became a selling point for his services, and a catapult for his career. By avoiding the use of caustics in his surgical aftercare and by carefully attending and learning from his successive operational experiences, John obtained – and liberally advertised – a high surgical success rate. His skill, and his Latin, enabled him to join a select group of surgeons in England who could call themselves Magister, obtaining within the Guild of Surgeons a professional and social rank which was still below the physician, but adequately above that of the mere barber-surgeon.

In his writings, John leaves the sense of a man who is far from the character one might expect necessary to hedge one’s reputation on backsides and their ills. Well-traveled, shrewd, and educated through his experiences more than through dusty halls, John’s style was emulated and his name repeated by subsequent writers like the Cambridge physician Johannis Argentin. Hardly a one-trick pony, when he wasn’t building on surgical techniques and improving the quality of life for fistulae sufferers, John practiced pharmacy, and has left behind evidence of a considerable knowledge of herbs and their applications. Indeed, following his death in the late fourteenth century, his name carried on more commonly in connection with this less pun-worthy pursuit.

Fortunately for his patients suffering from fistulae and the surgical correction thereof, John also devised and employed an analgesic ointment consisting of no less powerful stuff than hemlock, opium, and henbane.

If one so desires a more detailed account of the surgical treatment of fistula in ano (and who could resist), there is an English translation and reprint of John’s Treatises of Fistula In Ano: Haemorrhoids, and Clysters produced by Elibron Classics.

Marri Lynn holds an MA in the History of Medicine at McGill University, Montreal (2011). She is currently studying French, while freelancing as a writer and copy editor. You can find out more at her About.me page.

 

Impotence in the Archives: or, a Research Trip Failed

By Lisa Smith, W&M Contributor

A year ago I went to Paris on a week-long research trip. My goal was to look at eighteenth-century impotence trials, part of the Série Z at the Archives Nationales. I planned to compare them with English impotence trials that I had already examined.

French historians and archive workers had been occupying part of the building to protest Sarkozy's proposed (rightwing) museum.

There were the standard research problems, of course. The handwriting was unusually terrible. The boxes were unsorted and contained few, if any, impotence trials, which were challenging to find. But the biggest difficulty was entirely unexpected. Série Z closed for maintenance every second day during that week.*  This mystified the counter-staff as much as me. Each time, they were unaware of the closure.

Previously, my research method had been to transcribe notes by hand, then review them afterwards. To the growing number of historians who prefer to take photographs of archival documents, this seems a bit quaint. On this rapidly passing trip with its two fruitless days, I certainly did not have the luxury of time. Instead, I photographed the trial records like mad, writing brief outlines of the cases. Each night I organised the photos and turned them into pdf files, hopeful about the possibilities for my new use of photography. I thought how nice it would be to have images of the documents to hand.

But a year on, I’ve realised a key problem in this system: much of my work in archives is tied to physical memory. Looking back at my notes over the years, I can remember the way in which documents looked or smelled at the time. More importantly, I can remember where to find specific points in my notes. I recall in detail the stories from the English trial records, but the French ones only fleetingly, even though I have since read through the files a couple times. It has become clear to me that I need another French research trip – this time simply to sit in my office transcribing the files stored on my computer – if my knowledge of the trial records is ever to become potent.

How do you internalise your material when doing research?

 

*Admittedly, this allowed me to have leisurely lunches and sightsee, so all was not in vain.

 

Lisa Smith is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Saskatchewan. She writes on gender, family, and health care in England and France (ca. 1600-1800).

Nicholas of Poland: A Medical Snake In The Grass

By Marri Lynn (W&M Contributor)

A maker of theriac - a miracle cure that included plenty of serpents. Hortus Sanitatis, 1491.

Suffering from kidney stones? Just drink some wine with a little powdered snake, twice daily. If you have no time to waste or the stone’s being especially persistent, go ahead and add powdered toad or scorpion — or better still, add both.

If insomnia or weary eyes are troubling you (and who doesn’t suffer these maladies from time to time), have a little water with your pill made of dried frog parts, and don’t forget to keep up your general health with an appetizer of properly-prepared snake at every meal.

Sound like snake oil instead of medicine? This was real medical advice supplied by a German-born Dominican friar called Nicholas of Poland, who posed a challenge to established medical prescriptions in thirteenth-century Europe. His career, or what we know of it, caused professional skepticism. After all, how was one supposed to respond to a so-called healer who didn’t even taste or view his patient’s urine before providing them with a tincture of toad?

Much history written about the thirteenth-century medical landscape which highlights, and takes for granted, a conflict between the ‘scholasticized’ medicine promoted and taught by a university system rapidly monopolizing medical knowledge, and the uneducated practitioners and even the out-and-out charlatans external to this monopoly.

But as historians like William Eamon and Gundolf Keil have pointed out, Nicholas of Poland occupies a particularly interesting space that challenges our ideas of the relationship between these ways of practicing medicine — a point at the centre of an infrequently-imagined Venn diagram — where an iconoclastic approach to medicine and a university education could fruitfully mingle.

The result proved to be as compelling to medieval health-seekers as it is interesting to us. It was Nicholas’ philosophy that humble medicines and amulets made from the lowliest creatures of the earth were good for people of all social stations; the scaly creatures of the ground, used in ‘miracle cures’ like theriac, were in Nicholas’ view, simply packed with God-infused preternatural healing powers that did not need to be understood scientifically to be used.

This philosophy that “great miracles abide in the lowliest things” appealed to Christian ethics, and Nicholas’ excellent Latin enabled him to not only defend his position against university-educated physicians (who may have been chagrined at the way his backyard cures undercut their costlier prescriptions while they balked at the deeper intellectual implications of his radical empiricism), but to even go on the offensive against orthodoxy with logic and style.

Nicholas devoted an entire work, the Antipocras (Anti-Hippocrates), to criticize and critique the burgeoning medical philosophy of his day. His other known work, the Experimenta, shared the results of his original experiments into the most medicinally potent preparations of serpent powders and oils, and how to administer them.

Nicholas emphasized that one should collect healing knowledge through firsthand experience, not ancient authority or theory; his quasi-mystical prescriptions were not only theologically-inspired, but also practically supported. This firsthand knowledge would be critical in giving him the grounds to challenge his the visceral and cultural aversion his patients (understandably) had to eating toads, scorpions, and snakes in particular.

The very unpleasantness of Nicholas’ cures ultimately became a testament to their power. After all, if eating reptiles and amphibians was so revolting, the idea would be tossed onto the rubbish heap if the ideological underpinnings didn’t strike a chord, or the medical results didn’t appear to make it worthwhile. In this way, word of mouth created converts not only of other Dominicans, but lofty folk such as the duke of Sieradz and the court and subjects of Leszek the Black, and the villagers in Upper Silesia and Cracow where Nicholas put his empiric philosophy of medicine into practice.

Unfortunately, Nicholas’ ultimate fate is murky in the historical record, leaving us bereft of sturdy ground on which to build an understanding of the full significance and endurance of his practice. What exists is, for the moment, merely a glimpse of a unique, albeit isolated branch of medieval medical philosophy that’s as repellant to the senses as it is intellectually tantalizing.

Marri Lynn holds an MA in the History of Medicine at McGill University, Montreal (2011). She currently studies French, and writes (and copy edits) for the McGill Tribune as well as freelance projects. You can find out more at her About.me page.

Emotional truth

By Tracy Barrett, W & M Contributor

One factor that draws many people to historical fiction—and Civil War reenactments, the Society for Medieval Anachronism, Renaissance Faires, etc.—is curiosity about how it felt to live at a different time. I share this curiosity; I love to be so immersed in a former time that I’m startled to look up from a book’s pages and find myself in the twenty-first century. I first experienced this when reading Lucile Morrison’s The Lost Queen of Egypt, and then with Sigrid Undset’s Kristin Lavransdatter and Robert Graves’ I, Claudius.

Part of my fascination is the evocation of the time—the houses the characters lived in, the food they ate, the clothes they wore, the games they played. But what really draws me in is the feeling that I’m sharing the characters’ emotions.

Avoiding anachronism in emotion is one of an author’s most difficult feats. How, we wonder, could parents of the past have survived the death of one-third of their children? How could a teenager have accepted without question that she was to marry a man many years her senior, who had been chosen for her by someone else? If the character is horrified, we’re not being true to the time. But if we present a child’s death or an arranged marriage to an unpleasant old man matter-of-factly, we risk jarring the reader at our character’s perceived callousness.

I try to come up with a situation analogous to one today and have my characters react appropriately for that. For example, until modern medicine improved infant mortality rates, parents might react to the death of a child the way most Western people would react to the death of a pet: you’d be sad, you’d probably cry, you’d tell your friends, you’d never forget that pet, you might keep its collar in a special place—but you would move on, in a way that the parent of a dead child could rarely manage to do today.

I think of an arranged marriage as being similar to having parents choose a teenager’s high school. The teen might have some say, and if she really, really hated the idea of a particular school and another one was available, the parents might yield to her wishes. But they might not, and that wouldn’t be child abuse.

Here’s how I handled my main character’s reaction in my work in progress to hearing that an acquaintance had lost her husband and children to an illness several years earlier. She thinks: “Not unusual, but sad nonetheless. No wonder the woman had an air of bitterness about her.” I hope that reminds my reader that this kind of loss was common, while preserving my narrator’s humanity.

Cowboys and Indians: North African Style

By Pamela Toler, W & M Contributor

Unlikely though it seems, I’ve spent a lot of time thinking about the French Foreign Legion over the last week.

I bet most of you have a few stock images of the Foreign Legion in your heads: men fleeing from their past into the desert and anonymity, absinthe, burning sands and blazing sun, those funny little billed caps with the flap down the back. (Extra points for anyone who knows what those caps are called.)

For most of us, those images come from trashy novels and B-movies that are kissing cousins to the American western at its least thoughtful. Both genres are heavy on the last minute arrival of the cavalry*, noble (or savage) armed horsemen as opponents, last chance saloons, and strong, silent heroes. Not to mention burning sands and blazing sun (see above).

And just like in the American western, the dangerous armed horseman on the ridge has his own version of the story.

Abd al-Qadir by Rudolf Ernst

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

If the French hadn’t invaded Algeria in 1830**, Algerian emir Abd al-Qadir would probably have been content to follow his grandfather and father as the spiritual leader of the Qadiriyah Sufi order. In the fall of 1832, when the French began to expand their control into the Algerian interior, the Arab tribes of Oran elected al-Qadir as both the head of the Qadiriyah order and as their military leader.

Al-Qadir led Arab resistance against French expansion in North Africa from 1832 to 1847. He was so successful that at one point two-thirds of Algeria recognized him as its ruler. The French signed treaties with al-Qadir and broke them. (Similarities to the American western, anyone?) After a crushing defeat in 1843, he was hunted across North Africa as an outlaw.

Abd al-Qadir surrendered at the end of 1847 and was imprisoned in France until 1853. Following his release, he settled in Damascus, where he entered the stage of world history one last time. In 1860, the Muslims of Damascus rose and began slaughtering the city’s Christians. When the Turkish authorities did nothing to stop the massacre, Abd al-Qadir and 300 followers rescued over 12,0000 Christians from the massacre. Once hunted by the French as a dangerous outlaw, Abd al-Qadir received the Legion of Honor from Napoleon III for his efforts.

Heroism is in the eye of the beholder.

*In fact, the Foreign Legion was an infantry unit. Just saying.

** Over what the French press called the Incident of the Flyswatter. I couldn’t make this stuff up.

This post previously appeared in History on the Margins.

About the author: Pamela Toler is a freelance writer with a PhD in history and a large bump of curiosity. She is particularly interested in the times and places where two cultures meet and change. 

The Leper’s Legendary Decay

Image Credit: Peter Richards, The Medieval Leper (2000)

Zombies are now a horror staple that spans mediums, and justly so. Zombies combine our intellectual fear of social decay and loss of self with our instinctual horror at the notion of a disease that rots flesh and threatens to consume anyone who dares go near those suffering from it. As contamination spreads, the disease threatens to overwhelm the medical systems which attempt to stand in its way, taxing and eventually exhausting human resources, medicine, and scientific knowledge.

Deep at the heart of what makes zombies send chills up our spines is the knowledge that such a disease is not, in fact, so farfetched.

Indeed, at a not-so-distant point in our past, a disease with striking physiological and narrative parallels to popular zombie myths did exist, and at times its population of sufferers seemed as vast as an apocalyptic zombie horde.

Consider leprosy. In the middle ages, the textual depictions of leprosy acquired depth, providing textured, gut-twisting descriptions in medical texts. The sordid details weren’t for entertainment; they were descriptive diagnostic tools intended to give physicians help in identifying, categorizing, and recommending appropriate palliative care for lepers, who were, once diagnosed, condemned to endure their incurable condition and a new position in society as one of the ‘dead.’

Avicenna described leprosy as cancer of the whole body. The leprosy we know today is caused by the bacteria Mycobacterium leprae and Mycobacterium lepromatosis. It is often called Hansen’s disease, after physician Gerhard Armauer Hansen, who identified M. leprae in 1873.

But the medieval doctor relied only on visible symptoms, and in the case of leprosy, these were highly variable and often masqueraded as other diseases. Addressing this difficulty, Gilbert the Englishman, alive during the late 12th and early 13th centuries, included the diagnostic symptoms of leprosy in his Compendium of Medicine. In his pursuit of detail, we find unintentionally chilling prose that wouldn’t be out of place in something Lovecraftian.

The skin would become “lucid…stretched into a similitude to very thin, polished leather.” The joints would become distorted, a symptom “preceded by a tickling sensation, as if some living thing were fluttering about within the body, the thorax, the arms, or the lips.” Blood drawn from the leper would prove to be thick, fetid, and full of granules. The whites of a leper’s eyes would become lined in red, as the eyeballs themselves appeared to protrude from their sockets.

In the 14th century, Jordanus de Turre corroborated these clinical realities. The leper’s fingertips would lose sensation. The little finger was the first to go, but the numbness would spread to every extremity. White corpuscles would cover the tongue, and the scalp would become lumpy. The cartilage of the nose would be slowly eaten away from the inside, causing it to sink into the face, and the sufferer’s hair on both the body and head would fall out. If it grew back at all, it would be in the form of small, straight hairs barely visible in sunlight, “like pigs’ bristles.”

Although their accounts were graphic in the service of medicine, it was not medieval authors who built a zombie legend out of the disquieting medical realities of the leper’s existence. Many people, like physicians, creatives, and missionaries, had something to gain (or certainly nothing to lose) by playing up the severity of leprosy on an individual and societal level. “With a drop of blood from this little finger,” says a leprous little girl in Henri Bataille’s late 19th-century play, La lépreuse, “I can kill a hundred, I can kill a thousand.” The disease itself could not spread that fast in the flesh, but it certainly did in the 19th-century imagination.

It has fallen to historians to dig out the truth and resurrect the historical medical realities of the leper, and Carole Rawcliffe has contributed a big shovel — Leprosy in Medieval England (2006). Her account, like others, suggests that it is difficult to substantiate a medieval paranoia or horror of lepers, or the ways it may have manifested, such as in legal evictions of lepers from cities, or restrictions of their movement within those cities. In the middle ages, the typical lazar house may have been more of a monastery or hospice than an isolated stronghold.

With zombies stepping in this century as our fictionalized symbols of epidemic disaster, the complex and intriguing social and medical history of the leper – more Shaun of the Dead than Dawn of the Dead – can be slowly but surely decoded and viewed through a lens wiped clean of the fog of popular fiction. Good news for the nearly 200,000 sufferers of leprosy that exist today.

Marri Lynn holds an MA in the History of Medicine at McGill University, Montreal (2011). She is currently studying French, while freelancing as a writer and copy editor. You can find out more at her About.me page.

If you only read one book on Islamic history…

By Pamela Toler, W & M Contributor

I’ve been studying Islamic history for a long time now.  (Stops to count on her fingers. Thirty years??  Really??  Counts again. Dang. )

Last year I discovered the best general book on Islamic history I’ve ever read:  Destiny Disrupted: A History of the World Through Islamic Eyes by Tanim Ansary.  I underlined as I read.  I annotated.  I put little Post-It tabs at critical points, the durable ones so I could go back to key arguments in the future.  In short, I had a conversation with that book.

An Afghani-American who grew up in Afghanistan reading English-language history for fun, Ansary argues that Islamic history is not a sub-set of a shared world history but an alternate world history that runs parallel to world history as taught in the West.  In Ansary’s account, the two visions of world history begin in the same place: the cradle of civilization nestled between the Tigris and the Euphrates.  They end up at the same place: a world in which the West and the Islamic world are major and often opposing players.  But the paths they take to the modern world, or more accurately the narratives that explain how “we” got to the modern world, are very different.  Ansary’s book unfolds those two narratives side by side in clear, lively, and often amusing prose.  I found his conclusions compelling.

If you’re only going to read one book on Islamic history, do yourself a favor:  chose Destiny Disrupted. Then let me know what you think about it.

About the author: Pamela Toler is a freelance writer with a PhD in history and a large bump of curiosity. She is particularly interested in the times and places where two cultures meet and change. 

This post previously appeared in History in the Margins.